In 1887, Bryan moved to the fast-growing state of Nebraska, where he settled in Lincoln and established a thriving law practice. At the outset of the 1890s, with drought destroying the livelihoods of many American farmers, the People’s Party (also known as the Populist Party) was growing as a force in U.S. politics by appealing to small farmers, shopkeepers and other less wealthy voters. Elected to the House of Representatives in 1890, when he was just 30 years old, Bryan championed populist causes including the direct election of senators, graduated federal income tax and the “free silver” movement, which sought to expand the federal money supply by basing U.S. currency on silver as well as gold.
‘Cross of Gold’ Speech and Election of 1896
Set off by the collapse of the powerful Philadelphia & Reading Railroad, the Panic of 1893 plunged the nation into a deep economic depression. In August 1893, Bryan earned admiration from free silverites with his three-hour speech in Congress decrying President Grover Cleveland’s (ultimately successful) effort to repeal the Sherman Silver Purchase Act of 1890 and again tie U.S. currency to the gold standard. After running unsuccessfully for the Senate in 1894, Bryan returned to Nebraska and became editor of the Omaha World-Herald.
In 1896, Bryan captivated the audience at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago with a passionate oration urging his countrymen to stand up for the common man against big business interests and support free silver. To those who cling to the gold standard, he declared in closing: “You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.”
The day after his “Cross of Gold” speech, Bryan won the Democratic presidential nomination; he also won the support of the Populist and National Silver parties. He campaigned relentlessly, traveling around the country and giving hundreds of speeches to millions of people, while his Republican opponent, Ohio Governor William McKinley, stayed home and gave speeches from his porch. But McKinley’s victory was fueled by a massive influx of campaign cash from Wall Street bankers and other wealthy business interests, all determined to crush Bryan’s radical brand of populism.
Progressivism and Pacifism
Now among the most famous politicians in the country, Bryan would run twice more for president, losing again to McKinley in 1900 and to William Howard Taft in 1908. Rather than continue the free silver battle, he dedicated himself to opposing American imperialism, which he saw as immoral and undemocratic. He also argued in support of a graduated income tax, antitrust laws and other government regulation of business, women’s suffrage and the prohibition of alcohol. Despite his electoral losses, Bryan continued to exert considerable influence through his fervently religious speeches as well as a weekly magazine, the Commoner.
After Bryan helped rally support behind Woodrow Wilson in the 1912 presidential election, Wilson chose the now-elder Democratic statesman as his secretary of state. Bryan’s pacifist stance put him increasingly at odds with the president, however, and he resigned in 1915 in protest after Wilson sent a second note to Germany demanding an end to submarine warfare after the sinking of the Lusitania, an action Bryan felt went too far toward violating American neutrality.
Anti-Evolution Crusade, Scopes Trial and Death
Though he continued to publicly oppose U.S. involvement in World War I after his resignation, Bryan changed course after the nation entered the conflict in 1917 due to extensive popular support for the war effort. For the last decade of his life, he largely dedicated himself to reforming the nation’s moral and religious character. At the center of these efforts was a campaign to end the teaching of evolution in public schools.
As an evangelical Christian and a believer in the literal interpretation of the Bible, Bryan also saw a grave threat in the application of Charles Darwin’s theory to human society. He argued that children being taught the “survival of the fittest” would in time stop caring about the poor and otherwise needier members of the population. Bryan’s inability to differentiate between social Darwinism and the scientific theory of evolution galvanized his more fundamentalist, religious supporters but earned him the disdain of many others who shared his progressive politics.